The Archaeology of Wak’as: Explorations of the Sacred in the by Tamara L. Bray

By Tamara L. Bray

During this edited quantity, Andean wak'as—idols, statues, sacred locations, photos, and oratories—play a primary function in realizing Andean social philosophies, cosmologies, materialities, temporalities, and buildings of personhood. best Andean students from a number of disciplines go neighborhood, theoretical, and fabric barriers of their chapters, providing cutting edge tools and theoretical frameworks for reading the cultural details of Andean ontologies and notions of the sacred.

Wak'as have been understood as agentive, nonhuman people inside of many Andean groups and have been primary to conceptions of position, alimentation, fertility, identification, and reminiscence and the political development of ecology and existence cycles. The ethnohistoric checklist exhibits that wak'as have been proposal to talk, pay attention, and converse, either between themselves and with people. of their potential as nonhuman individuals, they shared familial kin with participants of the neighborhood, for example, younger ladies have been wed to neighborhood wak'as made from stone and wak'as had little kids who have been pointed out because the mummified is still of the community's respected ancestors.

Integrating linguistic, ethnohistoric, ethnographic, and archaeological info, The Archaeology of Wak'as advances our knowing of the character and tradition of wak'as and contributes to the bigger theoretical discussions at the that means and function of–"the sacred” in old contexts.

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The Archaeology of Wak’as: Explorations of the Sacred in the Pre-Columbian Andes

During this edited quantity, Andean wak'as—idols, statues, sacred locations, pictures, and oratories—play a relevant position in knowing Andean social philosophies, cosmologies, materialities, temporalities, and structures of personhood. best Andean students from a number of disciplines move local, theoretical, and fabric barriers of their chapters, delivering cutting edge tools and theoretical frameworks for reading the cultural details of Andean ontologies and notions of the sacred.

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Francisco Loayza, series 1, vol. 17. Lima: Miranda. Ahearn, Laura. 2001. ” Annual Review of Anthropology 30 (1): 109–37. 109. Alberti, Benjamin, Severin Fowles, Martin Holbraad, Yvonne Marshall, and Christopher Witmore. 2011. ” Current Anthropology 52 (6): 896–912. 1086/662027. Alberti, Benjamin, and Yvonne Marshall. 2009. ” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 19 (3): 344–56. 1017/S0959774309000535. Albornoz, Cristóbal de. 1984 [1581–85]. ” In Albornoz y el espacio ritual andino prehispánico, ed. Pierre Duviols.

1. Don Erasmo Hualla (right) and his son making tassel “flowers” to adorn their horses during the Feast of Santiago. They are chewing coca leaves and whispering prayers to Santiago as they work (photograph by author, Allen 1984). A similar process takes place every time a weaver works at her loom. ” As she weaves, the paired warp threads interact to reciprocally “appropriate” each other’s positions, producing “a dialogue of colors” (Cereceda 1986:150). If the textile is a poncho or mantle, it will be sewn to its other half, a mirror image folding around its “heart” (also see Franquemont et al.

While much has changed in the half millennium since the Spanish conquest of the Andes, there are continuities between these concepts and practices and those of the Inka. ” The root of this word, kamay (usually translated as “to create”), implies authority to reorder matter into new configurations (Taylor 1974). A person or thing that has been reordered by an outside force is termed kamasqa (subject to kamay). For example, there was a class of Inka priests who were called kamasqa because they had been struck (“terror-stricken”) by Thunder (MacCormack 1991:306).

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