By Anthony G. Williams
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Sample text
Feminism emerged and reformist demands were promoted through a number of organisations, some more radical than others. August Bebel's Die Frau und der Sozialis11111s (1883) was republished in 1910 and sold 135,000 copies. By 1914, 175,000 women had joined the SPD. Indeed, it was not just the vote and equal access to higher education which women had yet to achieve. However, the whole question of the position of women in an industrial society also provides a good illustration of the tensions and controversies which lay behind each of the demands for cultural and political change.
Not surprisingly, these realities did much to foster a desire on the part of the workers to join a union, even if it could not do much to protect them. As social tensions increased towards 1914 and employers became tougher, the working-class movement gained more recruits. It would hence be misleading to explain the growth of the working-class movement simply in terms of the demographic explosion. The point is that more and more people of working-class origin came to regard the SPD and its various associations as the only legitimate political representation of their interests.
Sympathisers with its aims could be found among academics, farmers and the representatives of heavy industry. On the other hand, there always remained a sizeable group of people who rejected the apostles of violence and promoted a strategy of social appeasement of the working class. Whereas the advocates of violence saw autocracy as the prerequisite of a successful foreign policy, the moderates believed that only a reconciliation of the mass of the working class with a reformed monarchy would provide the popular underpinning of Weltpolitik.