Counterrevolution in Argentina, 1900-1932 : the Argentine by Unknown

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This difference was attributable not only to the more plebeian origins of the feminists, but to the fact that the latter were more likely to have received professional training than the society matrons.  Their migratory life­style and extreme poverty, as well as a rural labor surplus, inhibited organizational efforts. Conditions differed somewhat for other members of the rural proletariat—laborers in the sugar, tannin, and maté works in the northern periphery of the republic.  Significant organizational feats would take place in this zone after World War I.

Moreover, despite Socialist rhetoric, the army represented no danger to Argentine civil tradition. 16 Many other officers probably shared Uriburu's view of the left as antinational.  Paradoxically, they sometimes combined love for native traditions with pride in Argentine "whiteness"—a legacy of immigration.  In addition, liberals claimed that it would not please the Protestant immigrants they hoped to attract to Argentine shores. 23 These sentiments seemed rational and constructive, yet his attitudes on "Encyclopedism" and ''cosmopolitanism" suggested intolerance.

Few immigrants now had sufficient funds to buy land. Therefore, absentee landownership and tenant farming became the rule, particularly in the cereal belt.  The FAA did not yet propose radical changes in the landowning system, nor did it invite the participation of landless laborers.  This quarter­century of conflict engendered new political parties whose conduct would, in turn, affect the rise of counterrevolution.  Great landowners and distinguished provincial politicians were also found, however, in Autonomist ranks.

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