By Kenneth J. Calder
In 1914 the British executive was once no longer attracted to nationwide self-determination in jap Europe, yet by way of November 1918 it was once deeply concerned with quite a few japanese ecu topic nationalities and used to be devoted by means of implication to their independence. This e-book makes an attempt to provide an explanation for this evolution in British coverage relating to the Poles, Czechoslovaks and Yugoslavs, the 3 most crucial topic nationalities in jap Europe. The ebook relies totally on the professional documents of the British govt, which were supplemented with fabric from inner most collections. Dr Calder argues that British coverage on nationwide self-determination constructed no longer due to theoretical speculations yet of the wartime kinfolk among the govt. and the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationwide firms. This ebook lines the evolution in British kinfolk with the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationality companies from August 1914 to November 1918. It exhibits how the preliminary contacts have been verified and the way kinfolk built progressively because the govt sought to take advantage of those organizations in propaganda, espionage and the formation of army devices. It makes an attempt to evaluate the results of this co-operation at the attitudes of British officers and the coverage of the govt..
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Additional resources for Britain and the Origins of the New Europe 1914-1918 (LSE Monographs in International Studies)
26 The evidence, although meagre, suggests a pro-Czech, anti-Polish bias. The home office and the police acted almost entirely alone in making these decisions. 27 During November and 22 Britain and the Origins of the New Europe 1914-1918 December the foreign office seems to have known the general trend of home office policy without knowing the details. 28 The home office and the police had no interest in foreign policy and their leniency was not based on humanitarian considerations. They were concerned with the magnitude of the alien problem and wanted to reduce the numbers interned.
In this connection I heard yesterday that M. O. 37 The foreign office maintained contact with Poles like Retinger who appeared to merit serious consideration, while discouraging others like Bogdanowicz. The feuding among the Poles created a bad impression and doubts remained as to the right of any of the emigres to represent the Polish community. Nevertheless contact had been established which could serve as the basis for more complex relations. In deciding not to snub Retinger, Grey was making a decision to maintain and foster contacts with the Poles.
It was a role that the Italians were to play for the rest of the war. The Italian opposition to the creation of a Yugoslav state made it impossible for Britain to openly espouse the Yugoslav cause. It even made Anglo-Yugoslav relations difficult because the foreign office had to discourage the public 42 Britain and the Origins of the New Europe 1914-1918 activities of the Yugoslavs to avoid annoying the Italians. AustriaHungary was never as great an obstacle to Anglo-Yugoslav relations. The Italian attitude was a source of great annoyance to the foreign office which obviously preferred the Yugoslavs, if only because the Italians were a much greater nuisance.